蓬佩奥演讲在兑现 逃入中共领事馆唐娟最终也被抓了

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蓬佩奥7月23日发表演讲,呼吁自由民主世界联合起来,打败暴政。

【2020年7月24日】(明德网Daisy编译)本周四(7月23日)美国国务卿蓬佩奥在加利福尼亚州约巴林达的理查德·尼克松总统图书馆发表题为《共产中国与自由世界的未来》的演说。

蓬佩奥指出,中美建交50多年以来,美国期待中共向着民主自由演变的过程并没有实现,中共没有改变其作为马列集权的本质。美国对于共产主义曾经过于乐观和天真。现在美国仍然将与中共保持通话,但必须采取“不信任,要核实”的态度。他指出,美国以及各国必须改变对中共的看法,不能再把其领导下的中国视为“正常国家“。他还说,中共不能代表中国人民,美国也不能再继续忽略中国民主人士的呼声和请求。演讲中,蓬佩奥呼吁建立“新民主联盟”,一起打败“新暴政”。

美国近期对中共间谍的追捕也印证了其对中共态度转变。近期,包括美国本周五(7月24日)被最终抓捕的唐娟,一共有4人被FBI逮捕并以签证欺诈罪起诉。唐娟在加州大学大卫斯分校放射肿瘤实验室申请癌症研究工作时,隐瞒了自己属于中共军方以及身为共产党员的身份,在六月底被FBI面谈后逃入旧金山中共领事馆。她在今日离开领馆接受了美方逮捕,并将在加州东区法院受审。中方则似乎开始紧急焚烧销毁文件,旧金山领馆正门的烟熏痕迹明显。

正如蓬佩奥演讲中提出的,美国已经开始不再容忍中共渗透窃取美国宝贵资源的行为。

以下是蓬佩奥演讲原文:

Thank you. Thank you all. Thank you, Governor, for that very, very generous introduction. It is true: When you walk in that gym and you say the name “Pompeo,” there is a whisper. I had a brother, Mark, who was really good – a really good basketball player.

谢谢你,谢谢大家。谢谢州长的介绍,实在是过奖了。的确,当你走进那个健身房,提起“蓬佩奥”的名字时,会有人悄悄耳语。我有个兄弟,马克,真的是很棒,真的是很棒的篮球手。

And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor Guard and Senior Airman Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of the national anthem? (Applause.)

我们再次为蓝鹰仪仗兵和空军下士凯拉·海史密斯和她精彩的国歌演唱鼓掌,怎么样?

Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want to thank Hugh Hewitt and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to speak at this important American institution. It was great to be sung to by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let the Army guy in in front of the Navy guy’s house. (Laughter.) It’s all good.

也感谢劳瑞牧师动人的祷告,我想感谢休·休伊特和尼克松基金会邀请我在这个重要的美国机构发表讲话。很高兴有一位空军为我唱歌,一位海军陆战队的人为我做介绍,而且他们让陆军的人站到了海军的人的房子前。这一切都很好。

It’s an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixon’s father built the house in which he was born and raised.

很荣幸来到约巴林达。尼克松的父亲在这里建了这座房子,他在这里出生长大。

To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possible – it’s difficult in these times – thanks for making this day possible for me and for my team.

感谢尼克松中心董事会和工作人员使我和我的团队今天的活动成为可能,在眼下这样做绝非易事。

We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the audience, including Chris, who I’ve gotten to know – Chris Nixon. I also want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support of this visit as well.

我们有幸看到在座的有些非常特殊的人,包括克里斯,我得以结识他,克里斯·尼克松。我还想感谢翠西·尼克松和朱莉·尼克松·艾森豪威尔对这次访问的支持。

I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and made a long trip.

我还想感谢几名勇敢的中国异议人士,他们远道而来参加我们今天的活动。

And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the other distinguished guests, thank you for being here. For those of you who got under the tent, you must have paid extra.

所有的其他贵宾,所有的其他贵宾,感谢你们来到这里。那些能够坐在帐篷下面的人,你们一定是多付钱了。

And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.

也感谢那些收看直播的人。

And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana, not very far from here. I’ve got my sister and her husband in the audience today. Thank you all for coming out. I bet you never thought that I’d be standing up here.

最后,就像州长提到的,我出生在圣安娜,离这里不太远。今天在座的有我姐姐和姐夫。谢谢你们来。我敢打赌你们从来也没想到我会站在这里。

My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China speeches that I asked National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney General Barr to deliver alongside me.

我今天的讲话是一系列有关中国的演说的第四部分,我请国家安全顾问罗伯特·奥布莱恩、联调局局长克里斯·雷和司法部长巴尔与我一道发表了这些演说。

We had a very clear purpose, a real mission. It was to explain the different facets of America’s relationship with China, the massive imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the Chinese Communist Party’s designs for hegemony.

我们有一个非常明确的目的、一个真正的使命。这就是解释美中关系的不同层面、几十年来累积起来的那种巨大的关系失衡以及中国共产党的霸权意图。

Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that President Trump’s China policy aims to address are clear and our strategy for securing those freedoms established.

我们的目标是表明,特朗普总统的中国政策旨在解决的针对美国的威胁是显而易见的,而且我们为确保这些自由制定了战略。

Ambassador O’Brien spoke about ideology. FBI Director Wray talked about espionage. Attorney General Barr spoke about economics. And now my goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail what the China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and indeed for the future of free democracies around the world.

奥布莱恩大使讲到了意识形态。联调局局长雷谈到了间谍问题。司法部长巴尔讲到了经济。我今天的目标是为美国人民把这些汇总在一起,详细阐述中国的威胁对我们的经济、我们的自由乃至世界各地自由民主的未来意味着什么。

Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissinger’s secret mission to China, and the 50th anniversary of President Nixon’s trip isn’t too far away in 2022.

明年将是基辛格博士秘密访问中国半个世纪的一年,离2022年尼克松总统访华50周年也不太远了。

The world was much different then. We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and cooperation.

But today – today we’re all still wearing masks and watching the pandemic’s body count rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the world. We’re reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong Kong and in Xinjiang.

We’re seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost American jobs and strike enormous blows to the economies all across America, including here in southern California. And we’re watching a Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more menacing.

大家知道,那时的世界大为不同。我们曾经想象,与中国接触将会产生团结合作的光明未来。然而,因为中共未能履行对世界的承诺,今天我们都仍然戴着口罩,目睹大流行病死亡人数的上升。每天早晨,我们都在读着打压香港和新疆的新闻头条,我们看到中国不当贸易行为的惊人统计数字造成美国就业流失、沉重打击美国各地、包括南加州这里。我们目睹中国军队变得越来越强大并且越来越具威胁性。

I’ll echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans from here in California to my home state of Kansas and beyond:

从加利福尼亚这里到我的故乡堪萨斯州以至更远的地方,美国人心灵和脑海中萦绕着这些问题,我也要重复它们:

What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China?

与中国接触50年后,美国人民现在有什么成果可以示人?

Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy prove to be true?

我们的领导人提出的中国朝着自由与民主演变的理论被证明是正确的吗?

Is this China’s definition of a win-win situation?

这是中国所定义的“双赢”局面吗?

And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of State’s perspective, is America safer? Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves and peace for the generations which will follow us?

而且,从一位国务卿的视角来看,核心的是,美国更加安全了吗?我们自身以及我们后代的和平前景是不是更好了?

Look, we have to admit a hard truth. We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come, that if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it.

你看,我们必须承认一个无情的事实。如果我们希望有一个自由的21世纪,而不是习近平所梦想的中国世纪,我们必须承认一个无情的事实并应以此作为我们未来几年和几十年的指导:与中国盲目接触的旧模式根本做不成事。我们绝不能延续这个模式。我们决不能重回这个模式。

As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that protects the American economy, and indeed our way of life. The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.

特朗普总统非常明确地表示,我们需要一个战略,保护美国经济,还有我们的生活方式。自由世界必须战胜这个新暴政。

Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixon’s legacy, I want to be clear that he did what he believed was best for the American people at the time, and he may well have been right.

在我好像急于要破坏尼克松总统的遗产之前,我希望明确表示,他做的是他当时相信对美国人民最为有利的事情,而且他可能是对的。

He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a tremendous admirer of the Chinese people, just as I think we all are.

他是一位出色的中国研究者、强悍的冷战勇士、而且是中国人民的仰慕者,—我想我们大家都是。

He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too important to be ignored, even when the nation was weakened because of its own self-inflicted communist brutality.

必须要充分肯定的是,他认识到中国实在太重要了,不能被忽视,即使当时的中国因为自我施加的共产暴政而处在被削弱的状态。

In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy. Here’s what he said:

He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside of the family of nations…The world cannot be safe until China changes. Thus, our aim – to the extent we can, we must influence events. Our goal should be to induce change.”

1967年,尼克松在《外交事务》杂志上发表的一篇非常著名的文章中解释了他的未来战略。这是他说的话。他说: “长远来看,我们根本无法承受永远让中国留在国际大家庭之外……除非中国改变,世界不会安全。因此,在我们对事件所能影响的范围内,我们的目标应为引导改变。”

And I think that’s the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”

我认为这是整篇文章的关键词:“引导改变”。

So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off our engagement strategy. He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he hoped that the Chinese Communist Party would return that commitment.

As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as China became more prosperous, it would open up, it would become freer at home, and indeed present less of a threat abroad, it’d be friendlier. It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable.

因此,尼克松总统历史性的北京之行,开启了我们的接触战略。他崇高地寻求一个更为自由、更为安全的世界。他希望中国共产党会对那个承诺做出回报。随着时间的推移,美国决策者日益假定,随着中国变得更为繁荣,它会开放,对内会变得更为自由,而且对外不那么具有威胁性,更为友好。一切似乎都显得如此的顺理成章。

But that age of inevitability is over. The kind of engagement we have been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside of China that President Nixon had hoped to induce.

然而,顺理成章的时代结束了。我们一直在追寻的那种接触政策没有在中国境内带来尼克松总统所希望引导的那种改变。

The truth is that our policies – and those of other free nations – resurrected China’s failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the international hands that were feeding it.

事实是,我们的政策,还有其它自由国家的政策,重振了中国失败的经济,看到的却是北京反咬喂食给它的国际之手。

We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese Communist Party exploit our free and open society. China sent propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our high-schools, our colleges, and even into our PTA meetings.

我们向中国公民张开了双臂,换来的却是中共利用我们自由与开放的社会。中国派出宣传手进入我们的记者会、我们的研究中心、我们的高中和大学,甚至进入我们家长教师协会的会议。

We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy.

我们把我们在台湾的朋友边缘化,台湾后来成长为一个生机勃勃的民主国家。

We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special economic treatment, only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human rights abuses as the price of admission for Western companies entering China.

我们给予中国共产党及其政权本身特殊的经济待遇,看到的却是中共坚持要求在其践踏人权的问题上保持沉默,把这作为允许西方公司进入中国的代价。

Ambassador O’Brien ticked off a few examples just the other day: Marriott, American Airlines, Delta, United all removed references to Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to anger Beijing.

就在前些天,奥布莱恩大使提出了几个例子:万豪、美国航空、达美和美联航都从它们的公司网站上删除了提到台湾的地方,以免触怒北京。

In Hollywood, not too far from here – the epicenter of American creative freedom, and self-appointed arbiters of social justice – self-censors even the most mildly unfavorable reference to China.

离这不远的好莱坞,—这个美国创意自由的中心和自封社会的公正仲裁者,对哪怕是中国稍微不利的说法都实行自我审查。

This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too.

企业界对中共的默默接受在全世界各地都在发生。

And how has this corporate fealty worked? Is its flattery rewarded? I’ll give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney General Barr. In a speech last week, he said that “The ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid the United States.”

企业界的这种效忠效果如何?这种奉承得到了回报吗?我来引用司法部长巴尔上星期的演说中的一句话,他说:“中国统治者的终极企图不是与美国进行贸易。它是抢掠美国。”

China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing millions of jobs[1] all across America.

中国窃取我们珍视的知识产权和商业秘密,使美国各地损失了数以百万计的就业岗位。

It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor.

它从美国吸走了供应链,然后加上了奴工器具。

It made the world’s key waterways less safe for international commerce.

它使世界的关键水道对国际商贸不那么安全了。

President Nixon once said he feared he had created a “Frankenstein” by opening the world to the CCP, and here we are.

尼克松总统曾说,他担心,他把这个世界向中共开放,创造了一个“怪物弗兰肯斯坦”。而这就是我们所处的局面。

Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these bad things to happen for all these years. Perhaps we were naive about China’s virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after our victory in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijing’s talk of a “peaceful rise.”

诚信者可以辩论为什么这么多年来自由国家会允许这些坏事发生。也许我们当初对中国的共产主义毒株过于天真,或者冷战之后,我们相信自己必胜,或者我们是贪婪的资本家,或者被北京的“和平崛起”言论所蒙蔽。

Whatever the reason – whatever the reason, today China is increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else.

无论什么原因,中国今天在国内越来越集权,而且越来越咄咄逼人地敌视世界其它地方的自由。

And President Trump has said: enough.

特朗普总统已经说了:够了。

I don’t think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the facts that I have laid out today. But even now, some are insisting that we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogue’s sake.

我不认为两党中有很多人对我今天所举出的事实提出质疑。但是即使是现在,有些人还在坚持说,我们必须保留那种为了对话而对话的模式。

Now, to be clear, we’ll keep on talking. But the conversations are different these days. I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back to meet with Yang Jiechi.

现在,要明确说明的是,我们会坚持对话。但是如今的交谈不一样了。几个星期前,我去檀香山见了杨洁篪。

It was the same old story – plenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the behaviors.

Yang’s promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty. His expectations, I surmise, were that I’d cave to their demands, because frankly this is what too many prior administrations have done. I didn’t, and President Trump will not either.

还是老一套,话说了很多,但真的是没有提出要改变任何行为。杨的承诺,跟中共在他之前做出的很多承诺一样,是空洞的。我猜测,他的预期是,我会屈从于他们的要求,因为坦率地说,太多以往的行政当局都这样做了。我没有。特朗普总统也不会。

As Ambassador O’Brien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that the CCP regime is a Marxist-Leninist regime. General Secretary Xi Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology.

奥布莱恩大使阐述得很好,我们必须记住,中共政权是马克思-列宁主义政权。习近平总书记是一个破产的极权主义意识形态的真正信仰者。

It’s this ideology, it’s this ideology that informs his decades-long desire for global hegemony of Chinese communism. America can no longer ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between our countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.

他的意识形态决定了他数十年来对中国共产主义全球霸权的渴望。美国不能再忽视我们两国之间政治和意识形态的根本不同了,就像中共从来也没有忽视它们一样。

My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and my now two-plus years as America’s Secretary of State have led me to this central understanding:

我在众议院情报委员会任职,随后担任中央情报局局长以及出任国务卿两年多来的经历让我有了这样的核心理解:

That the only way – the only way to truly change communist China is to act not on the basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they behave. And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion. President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis of “trust but verify.” When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust and verify. (Applause.)

真正改变共产中国的唯一方式就是以中国领导人如何表现而不是说什么为基础来采取行动。你可以看到美国的政策对这个结论做出回应。里根总统说,他本着“信任但要核实”跟苏联打交道。对中共,我的说法是:“我们必须不信任,而且要核实。”

We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to change, just as President Nixon wanted. We must induce China to change in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijing’s actions threaten our people and our prosperity.

我们这些世界上热爱自由的国家,必须引导中国做出改变,就像尼克松总统所要的那样。我们必须以更具创造性而且更为强势的方式引导中国做出改变,因为北京的所作所为威胁着我们的人民与我们的繁荣。

We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive the Chinese Communist Party. We have to tell the truth. We can’t treat this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.

我们必须从改变我国人民与合作伙伴对中国共产党的看法开始。我们必须说实话。我们不能像对待其他国家一样,把这个中国的化身当作一个正常的国家。

We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal, law-abiding nation. Beijing threatens international agreements as – treats international suggestions as – or agreements as suggestions, as conduits for global dominance.

我们知道,与中国进行贸易不像与一个正常、守法的国家进行贸易。北京把国际协议视为建议,作为获得全球主导地位的渠道。

But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when he secured our phase one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with its intellectual property theft and policies that harmed American workers.

但是,通过坚持公平条款,就像我们的贸易代表在达成第一阶段贸易协议时所做的那样,我们可以迫使中国正视其盗窃知识产权和伤害美国工人的政策。

We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the same as doing business with, say, a Canadian company. They don’t answer to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so have no need to pursue profits.

我们也知道,与中共支持的公司做生意与一家公司、比如一家加拿大公司做生意是不一样的。他们不听从于独立的董事会,而且很多公司是国家赞助的,不需要追求利润。

A good example is Huawei. We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent telecommunications company that’s just showing up to make sure you can talk to your friends. We’ve called it what it is – a true national security threat – and we’ve taken action accordingly.

一个好的例子就是华为。我们已经不再假装华为是一个无辜的电信公司,它只是来确保你能和你的朋友交谈。我们以它本来的面目来称它 — 一个真正的国家安全威胁 —而且我们采取了相应的行动。

We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly or unwittingly support the Communist Party’s gross human rights violations.

我们也知道,如果我们的公司在中国投资,他们可能有意或无意地支持共产党对人权的严重侵犯。

Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and blacklisted Chinese leaders and entities that are harming and abusing the most basic rights for people all across the world. Several agencies have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs are informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.

我们的财政部和商务部因此对中国领导人以及正在伤害和侵犯世界各地人民基本权利的实体进行制裁并将他们列入黑名单。好几个政府部门合作制定了一个商业咨询公告,以确保我们的首席执行官了解他们的供应链在中国境内的运作情况。

We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees are just normal students and workers that are coming here to make a little bit of money and to garner themselves some knowledge. Too many of them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back to their country.

我们也知道,并不是所有的中国学生和雇员都是来这里只是为了多挣一点钱或者多为自己积累一些知识的正常学生或工作人员,他们中有太多的人是来盗窃我们的知识产权并它们带回自己的国家。

The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these crimes.

司法部和其他部门已经在大力寻求惩罚这些罪行。

We know that the People’s Liberation Army is not a normal army, too. Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist Party elites and expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese people.

现在我们知道,中国人民解放军也不是一支正常的军队。它的目的是维护中国共产党精英的绝对统治,拓展中华帝国,而不是保护中国人民。

And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom of navigation operations out and throughout the East and South China Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well. And we’ve created a Space Force to help deter China from aggression on that final frontier.

因此,美国国防部加强了在东中国海、南中国海以及台湾海峡的自由航行行动。我们建立了太空军来帮助阻遏中国侵略太空这个最后边疆。

And so too, frankly, we’ve built out a new set of policies at the State Department dealing with China, pushing President Trump’s goals for fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the imbalances that have grown over decades.

坦率地说,我们在国务院也建立了一套与中国打交道的政策,推动特朗普总统的公平对等的目标,改写几十年来不断增加的失衡。

Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston because it was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft. (Applause.)

就在本星期,我们宣布关闭中国在休斯顿的领事馆,因为那里是间谍活动和知识产权盗窃的中心。

 

We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international law in the South China Sea.

两个星期前,我们逆转了八年来在有关南中国海国际法问题上的那种右脸被打还把左脸伸过去的做法。

We’ve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of our time.

我们已经呼吁中国使其核能力符合我们这个时代的战略现实。

And the State Department – at every level, all across the world – has engaged with our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and reciprocity.

国务院在各个层级而且在世界各地与我们的中国同行进行接触,只是为了要求公平和对等。

But our approach can’t just be about getting tough. That’s unlikely to achieve the outcome that we desire. We must also engage and empower the Chinese people – a dynamic, freedom-loving people who are completely distinct from the Chinese Communist Party.

但我们的作法不能只是一味强硬。这不大可能达到我们想要的结果。我们还必须与中国人民进行接触,并赋予他们力量,—他们是充满活力、热爱自由的人民,与中国共产党完全不同。

That begins with in-person diplomacy. (Applause.) I’ve met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go.

这要从面对面的外交开始。无论走到哪里,我都遇到了才华横溢、勤奋努力的中国男性和女性。

I’ve met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiang’s concentration camps. I’ve talked with Hong Kong’s democracy leaders, from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai. Two days ago in London, I met with Hong Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law. And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors. One of them is here today.

我见过从新疆集中营逃出来的维吾尔人和哈萨克族人。我和香港的民主领袖们交谈过,从陈枢机主教到黎智英。两天前,我在伦敦与香港自由斗士罗冠聪会面。上个月,我听到了天安门广场幸存者的故事。其中一位今天就在这里。

Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom for the Chinese people. Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may recognize you? (Applause.)

王丹是一名关键的学生,他从未停止为中国人民的自由而斗争。王先生,请站起来,我们好认出你来。

 

Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement, Wei Jingsheng. He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy. Mr. Wei, will you please stand? (Applause.)

今天和我们在一起的还有中国的民主运动之父魏京生。他因为倡导民主而在中国的劳改营里度过了几十年。魏先生,请站起来,好吗?

I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War. And if there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie. The biggest lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people who are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out.

我在冷战时期长大并在陆军服役。如果我学到了什么的话,那就是,共产党人几乎总是撒谎。他们撒的最大的一个谎言是,要认为他们是在为14亿被监视、压迫和恐吓得不敢说出真相的人民说话。

Quite the contrary. The CCP fears the Chinese people’s honest opinions more than any foe, and save for losing their own grip on power, they have reason – no reason to.

恰恰相反。中共对中国人民诚实意见的恐惧甚于任何敌人。除了失去对权力的掌控之外,他们没有理由恐惧。

Just think how much better off the world would be – not to mention the people inside of China – if we had been able to hear from the doctors in Wuhan and they’d been allowed to raise the alarm about the outbreak of a new and novel virus.

试想一下,假如我们能够听到武汉医生们的声音,假如他们被允许对一种新型的冠状病毒的爆发发出警报,全世界,更不要提中国境内的人,会好得多。

For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words of brave Chinese dissidents who warned us about the nature of the regime we’re facing.

在太长的时间里,我们的领导人忽视或淡化勇敢的中国异见人士的言论,他们就我们面临的这个政权的性质警告过我们。

And we can’t ignore it any longer. They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.

我们不能再忽视它了。他们和任何人一样清楚,我们永远不可能回到现状了。

But changing the CCP’s behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese people alone. Free nations have to work to defend freedom. It’s the furthest thing from easy.

但是,改变中国共产党的行为不可能仅仅是中国人民的使命。自由国家有捍卫自由的工作要做。这绝不是轻而易举的事情。

 

But I have faith we can do it. I have faith because we’ve done it before. We know how this goes.

但我有信心我们能做到。我有信心,因为我们以前做过。我们知道事情会怎么发展。

I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes that the Soviet Union made – alienating potential allies, breaking trust at home and abroad, rejecting property rights and predictable rule of law.

我有信心,因为中国共产党正在重复苏联曾经犯过的一些错误—疏远潜在的盟友,在国内外破坏信任,拒绝接受产权和具有可预见性的法治。

I have faith. I have faith because of the awakening I see among other nations that know we can’t go back to the past in the same way that we do here in America. I’ve heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi.

我有信心。我有信心是因为我看到其他国家的觉醒,他们知道我们不可能回到过去,就像我们在美国一样。从布鲁塞尔到悉尼到河内,我都听到这个信息。

And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom itself.

最重要的是,我有信心我们能够捍卫自由,因为自由本身就是一种甜美的吸引力。

Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that proud city. They wave American flags.

在中国共产党加强对香港这座骄傲的城市的控制时,看看那些争相着要移民海外的香港人吧。他们挥舞的是美国国旗。

It’s true, there are differences. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is deeply integrated into the global economy. But Beijing is more dependent on us than we are on them. (Applause.)

的确是有差异。与苏联不同的是,中国已经深深地融入了全球经济。但北京对我们的依赖比我们对他们的依赖更大。

Look, I reject the notion that we’re living in an age of inevitability, that some trap is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the future. Our approach isn’t destined to fail because America is in decline. As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still winning. We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it. People from all over the world still want to come to open societies. They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build a life for their families. They’re not desperate to settle in China.

我拒绝这样的看法,即我们生活在一个势在难免的时代,某些“陷阱”是命中注定的,共产党的主宰地位是未来。我们的做法并非注定要失败,因为美国并没有在衰落。正如我今年早些时候在慕尼黑所说的,自由世界仍在获胜。我们只需要相信这一点,知道这一点,而且对此感到自豪。世界各地的人们仍然希望来到开放的社会。他们来这里学习。他们来这里工作,他们来这里为他们的家庭开创美好的生活。他们并不急于在中国定居。

It’s time. It’s great to be here today. The timing is perfect. It’s time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they. Every nation will have to come to its own understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty, how to protect its own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the tentacles of the Chinese Communist Party.

现在是时候了。今天很高兴来到这里。时机很好。现在是自由国家采取行动的时候了。不是每个国家都会以同样的方式应对中国的挑战,他们也不应该如此。每个国家都必须自己悟出如何保护自己的主权、如何保护自己的经济繁荣以及如何保护它的理念不被中共的触角所染指。

But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what America has done – to simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on transparency and accountability from the Chinese Communist Party. It’s a cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous.

但我呼吁每一个国家的每一位领导人开始做美国已经在做的事情,—那就是坚持从中国共产党那里得到对等、透明和问责。他们是一小伙统治者,远非铁板一块。

And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal. For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer. Free nations must set the tone. We must operate on the same principles.

这些简单但强有力的标准将会产生巨大的效果。我们让中共来制定接触条件的时间已经太久了。已经不再是这样了。自由国家必须设定基调,我们必须在同样的原则上运作。

We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away by the CCP’s bargains or their blandishments. Indeed, this is what the United States did recently when we rejected China’s unlawful claims in the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party. We did it by setting standards.

我们必须划定不会被中共的讨价还价和甜言蜜语所冲洗掉的共同底线。事实上,美国最近就是这么做的…我们一劳永逸地拒绝接受中国在南中国南海的非法声明…同时,我们敦促各国成为洁净国家,这样他们公民的私人信息就不会落入中国共产党的手中。我们通过设定标准来做到这一点。

Now, it’s true, it’s difficult. It’s difficult for some small countries. They fear being picked off. Some of them for that reason simply don’t have the ability, the courage to stand with us for the moment.

的确,这是困难的。对于一些小国来说,这是困难的。他们害怕被一一干掉。因为这个原因,一些国家此刻根本就没有能力或是勇气与我们站在一起。

Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasn’t stood up in the way that it needs to with respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing will restrict access to China’s market. This is the kind of timidity that will lead to historic failure, and we can’t repeat it.

的确,我们的一个北约盟国在香港问题上没有以应有的方式挺身而出,因为他们害怕北京会限制他们进入中国市场。这种胆怯将导致历史性的失败。我们不能重蹈覆辙。

We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years. The challenge of China demands exertion, energy from democracies – those in Europe, those in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the Indo-Pacific region.

我们不能重复过去几年的错误。面对中国的挑战,需要欧洲、非洲、南美、特别是印度-太平洋地区的民主国家使出力气,投入精力。

And if we don’t act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms and subvert the rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard to build. If we bend the knee now, our children’s children may be at the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party, whose actions are the primary challenge today in the free world.

如果我们现在不行动,最终,中国共产党将侵蚀我们的自由,颠覆我们各国社会辛辛苦苦建立起来的基于规则的秩序。如果我们现在屈膝,我们的子孙后代可能会受中国共产党的摆布,他们的行动是当今自由世界的首要挑战。

General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless we allow it.

中国的习总书记注定不会永远在中国内外施行暴政,除非我们允许这种情况发生。

Now, this isn’t about containment. Don’t buy that. It’s about a complex new challenge that we’ve never faced before. The USSR was closed off from the free world. Communist China is already within our borders.

这不是关于遏制。不要相信这个。这是关于我们从未面对过的一个复杂的新挑战:苏联当时与自由世界是隔绝的。共产中国已经在我们的境内了。

So we can’t face this challenge alone. The United Nations, NATO, the G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic, and military power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly and with great courage.

所以我们不能独自面对这个挑战。联合国、北约、七国集团、20国集团,如果我们有明确的方向和巨大的勇气,我们的经济、外交和军事力量的结合肯定足以应对这一挑战。

Maybe it’s time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies.

也许是时候建立一个志同道合国家的新联盟了,一个新的民主联盟。

We have the tools. I know we can do it. Now we need the will. To quote scripture, I ask is “our spirit willing but our flesh weak?”

我们有工具。我知道我们能够做到。现在我们需要的是意志。我要引用《圣经》里的一句话来问:“我们的心灵固然愿意,肉体却软弱了?”

 

If the free world doesn’t change – doesn’t change, communist China will surely change us. There can’t be a return to the past practices because they’re comfortable or because they’re convenient.

如果自由世界不改变共产中国,共产中国肯定会改变我们。不能仅仅因为过去的做法舒服或方便就回到这些做法。

Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission of our time, and America is perfectly positioned to lead it because our founding principles give us that opportunity.

从中国共产党手中确保我们的自由是我们这个时代的使命,而美国处于领导这个使命的最佳位置,因为我们的建国原则给了我们这个机会。

As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at Independence Hall, our nation was founded on the premise that all human beings possess certain rights that are unalienable.

正如上星期我定睛站在费城独立厅时所解释的那样,我们的国家建立在这样的前提上,即人人拥有某些不可剥夺的权利。

And it’s our government’s job to secure those rights. It is a simple and powerful truth. It’s made us a beacon of freedom for people all around the world, including people inside of China.

保障这些权利是政府的职责。这一简单而有力的事实已使美国成为包括中国在内的全世界人民所向往的自由灯塔。

Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 that “the world cannot be safe until China changes.” Now it’s up to us to heed his words.

理查德•尼克松在1967年写道:“ 除非中国改变,世界不会安全。”他说的太对了。现在要靠我们来听从他的话了。

Today the danger is clear.

今天,危险显而易见。

And today the awakening is happening.

今天,觉醒正在发生。

Today the free world must respond.

今天,自由世界必须做出回应。

We can never go back to the past.

我们永远也不能回到过去。

May God bless each of you.

愿上帝保佑你们每一个人!

May God bless the Chinese people.

愿上帝保佑中国人民!

And may God bless the people of the United States of America.

愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国的人民!

Thank you all.

谢谢大家!